— Sonkhothang Haokip
Research Scholar, Dept. of Pol. Science, Mahatma Gandhi University, Meghalaya
Abstract: The Kukis were a self-governing people with multiple clans, each led by a chieftain who followed Kuki law, custom, unique norms, and tradition. Eminent figures affiliated with the Kukis in the past, such as Grierson (1904), Shakespeare (1912), Lewin (1856), and Mackenzie, recognized the Kuki identity and the Chieftainship system (1884). Their narratives reveal the Kuki people’s rich cultural past and identity. For the Kukis, Chieftainship is their culture and identity, which cannot be replaced. The ‘Haosa’ (Chieftainship) is a powerful secular institution based on a kinship system that administers the Village, the highest and political unit. Chieftainship is passed down through the generations from father to eldest son. Haosa (Chieftainship) is the oldest form of tribal administration currently in use in the Kuki Villages of Manipur as a system of local self-government. The rights and functions of the Village Chief are also founded on shared culture, customs, and traditions. Therefore, the Kukis of Manipur share a shared legacy of ‘Haosa’ (Chieftainship). The traditional law-enforcing body comprised of the Chief and his Semang Pachong (Council of Ministers) is the Customary Court. Among the Kukis, the Village Chief Court is the highest. The Village Chief’s old customary laws are unwritten and passed down verbally.
Keywords: Chief, Kukis, Traditional Political Administration
Introduction
Every history is distinct; nevertheless, some are more distinct than others. The writing process becomes more complicated because it involves acknowledged standards from established history rules and various ways to place things in order. Manipur’s Kukis indeed fit under this category. Kukis’ Chieftainship is one of his distinguishing characteristics. In the Chronicles of Meitei, Royal Chronicles of Tripura rulers, and colonial writers, the words “Kuki” and “Chieftainship” appear. (Ngulminthang, 2017) According to the Tripura Royal Chronicles, Shiva fell in love with a Kuki woman in 32 A.D. Tripura Prince married a Kuki princess in 1415 A.D. (Basumatry, 1920). Before the Debbarmas’ ascent, the Kukis were the single largest tribe occupying the Tripura Hills. (Basumatry, 1920). On one of his pleasant visits, King Dhanya Manikya, who ruled Tripura from 1490 to 1520 AD, brought home a gong gifted by a Kuki Chief. (Roy, 1965) A Kuki named Taothingmang became the King of Manipur east of Imphal in the Cheitharol Kumbaba.
Kukistan was founded in 1195 A.D., and Ko-ki Country was founded in 1608 A.D. after the Kukis had a long and remarkable history. According to several colonial writers, Kuki was allegedly heard in the 1830s and 1840s (Aheibam Koireng Singh, 2016). Thus, the Kukis’ allegations have been known since 32 A.D. The Kukis are indigenous to Zale’n-gam, which means “Land of Freedom.” (P.S. Haokip, 1988) The ancestral lands of Zale’n-gam may be found in present-day Northeast India, Northwest Burma, and Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hills regions. The population of the Kukis is estimated to be around 9-10 million, based on the 2001 Indian census and accessible Census figures from Bangladesh and Myanmar. (Haoginlen Chongloi, 2018) The Kukis are a powerful and independent people, according to Captain Lewin 1870, the then Deputy Commissioner of Chittagong Hill Tracts. Because the Kukis were powerful and independent, GA Grierson, Superintendent of the Linguistic Survey of India, limited them to a “Kuki Country” in 1904. (G.S. Oinam, 2011) All of this historical and linguistic data indicates that the Kukis lived in Manipur at some point.
The Kukis were a self-governing people with multiple clans, each led by a Chieftain who followed Kuki laws, customs, and traditions. (P.S. Haokip, 2018) The Kukis have been discovered to have the characteristics of a common name, nomenclature, myth of common ancestry, shared historical memories, common culture, defined by language, religion, or custom, link to a geographical homeland, and a sense of common cause or solidarity among the various members of the ethnic group, based on decades of deep historical research and analysis. (Gangumei Kamei, 2015) Eminent figures affiliated with the Kukis in the past, such as Grierson (1904), Shakespeare (1912), Lewin (1856), and Mackenzie (1856), recognized the Kuki identity and the chieftainship system (1884). (Khaikhohauh, 2016) Their narratives reveal the Kuki people’s rich cultural past and identity. Chieftainship is a part of their culture and identity that can’t be replaced. In the Kuki Villages of Manipur, the ‘Haosa’ (Chieftainship) is a powerful secular institution based on a Kinship system for village governance, the highest political unit.
‘Haosa’ system (Chieftainship)
The ‘Haosa’ system has become an endless source of custom, culture, and tradition, and it can pass down a rich cultural and traditional heritage to future generations. The village chief’s rights and functions are also founded on shared culture, customs, and traditions. Every part of a ‘Haosa’ (Chieftainship) life is governed by conventions, culture, practices, and unique norms and regulations from the cradle to the grave. The Kukis of Manipur have a common heritage of ‘Haosa’ (Chieftainship) culture. (Haoginlen Chongloi, 2018) The Chief and his ‘Semang Pachong’ make up the Customary Court’s conventional law enforcement body (Council of Ministers). Among the Kukis, the Village Chief’s Court is the highest. (George T. Haokip) The Village Chief’s old customary rule is unwritten and passed down verbally. The Court is held at the Chief’s residence or a separate location within the Chief’s complex. The Kukis are described as hunters and warriors ruled by hereditary Chiefs or Rajas but divided into clans, each with its own Chief. They battled the British government, which was known as the Kuki Rebellion (according to British records) and referred to as the Kuki insurrection, 1917-1919. For approximately two years, the Kukis fought the powerful British government. (S.M.A.W. Chishti, 1919-1949) The well-known phrase “The Sun Never Sets on the British Empire” attests to the reality that the British Empire is unstoppable. The Kukis were up against such might and force, and the British were taken aback when they learned that the Kukis were very powerful in their own right. The British finally discovered that the Kukis’ strength and power came from their social unit being administered by Chieftainship. (Khaikhohauh Gangte, 2012)
Village Council
The Village Council is the governing body of the Village. A Kuki village is usually led by a Chief known as ‘Haosa,’ aided by a council of ministers known as ‘Semang- Pachong’ or ‘Haosa–Upa’ (cabinet members). Although the council of ministers is elected or nominated regularly, the office of Chief is passed down the line, from the father-chief to the eldest son. The term of a member of the council is not fixed. The Chief has the authority to change a member of the village council at any time. There will be no replacement for the Chief until they die or become incapable of running the Village. Through the advice of the board of ministers, the Chief decides, assists, and commands the army. (Gangte Khaikhohauh Gangte, Mancha Touthang, Easwaran Kanagaraj, 2014) The Chief respects all villagers, regardless of clan, like his relatives, and the institution has no room for autocracy. According to Ashok Kumar Ray, the Kuki polity has a seven-tiered organization, with the Chief (Haosa) at the top. The following offices frequently support the Chief:
Semangpa (Prime-minister)
Pachong (Secretary)
Thiempu (Physician cum priest)
Thihkheng (Village smith)
Chonloi (Treasurer)
Lompa-upa (Youth director in charge of youth co-operative works)
Kho-sam (Announcer of the decision of the village council)
Semangpa (Village administrator/Prime Minister): He is regarded as the Village’s second-in-command, behind the Chief, who occupies an important position in the community. Most of the responsibilities were delegated by the Village Chief, and Semangpa (Prime Minister) assumed command while he was away. However, crucial decisions could not be made without consulting the Village head. (P.S. Haokip, 2006) If he makes a critical decision without consulting the Chief, he has the authority to revoke the Semangpa’s status (position of the Prime Minister)
Pachong (Village Defense Minister): The position of Pachong (Village Defense Minister) is linked to India’s president and the president of the United States of America. He is the Village’s Supreme Commander. He is the Village’s military commander, mediator, and protector, especially in cases of external conflict. On the counsel of the Village leader, he can declare war and make peace, but he cannot express himself without his consent. Pachong guides the residents in dealing with any conflicts or difficulties that arise within and beyond the Village. Safeguard of the Village is very much dependent upon the performance and duties of the Pachong. The Chief authorized full powers to Pachong in terms of war or outer/inter-village disputes for the safety of the Village. (Priyadarshni M. Gangte, 2010)
Lhangsampa or Kho-sam (Announcer): In any organization, a Kho-sam or Lhangsampa is the information secretary. In the Village, he is the Council’s spokesperson. In a meeting with the members of the committee, the Village Chief appoints him. Kho-sam calls a committee meeting, makes the Council’s decisions public and enforces or implements the Council’s judgments. If the Chief considers kho-sam’s work and responsibilities unacceptable and irresponsible, he has the authority to replace him.
Thiempu (Village priest): The position of Thimpu or village priest is hereditary. However, it can be changed in extreme circumstances such as adultery or breaking the Chief’s regulations. Because the secrets of the medicines are not divulged to each individual, it is considered genetic. Because he was both the village priest and the local medical man/chemist, the Priest held a high position of respect. In the truest sense of the term, he is the councilor-in-charge of public health. Except in unusual circumstances, no one else could be appointed the village priest because he could only recite the secret medicine words.
Thih-kheng Pa (Blacksmith): The Village’s Blacksmith, Thih-kheng Pa, held a prominent position. He was also given an essential role in the Village by the Chief. Because his primary role is creating or repairing agricultural equipment, knives, swords, spades, and other implements, the Village’s development mostly depends on him.
Sumching or Chonloi (Treasurer): To keep track of unit funds and financial transactions, the treasurer keeps permanent records. In addition, he is an officer in charge of receiving, caring for, and disbursing monies such as forest products, taxes, fees, fines, and so on.
Lom-upa (Youth Director in charge of youth co-operative works): The Kukis’ primary vocation is cultivation or agriculture. As a result, the Chief nominated a Lom-up in the Village who is active and dynamic. The Lom-upa guides the youth in agricultural work and agriculture. (Thongkholal Haokip, 2013) He determines the timing, such as when to begin, where to start, when to rest, and when to quit, among other things. He is sometimes referred to as a work informant – hei-ha-hei…hei-ha-hei…hei-ha-hei…..This statement also aids them in working together in harmony.
Relation between the Chief and the Village Council
Formal institutions exist for the village head and members of the council. In terms of Kuki Chiefs’ power and authority, there has been a significant gap between the evolutionary setting and current thinking. Though Chieftainship is hereditary, it does not represent the character of a monarchical system because all of a family’s property passes to the oldest son when the father dies. The Chief and his Council of Ministers assumed overall responsibility for the Villagers’ safety and security. All matters affecting the Village and its residents are administered, governed, and decided by them. In reality, the Chief merely acts on the advice of his ministerial Council, which is either nominated or elected by the villagers. These Council members are chosen primarily for their administrative and judicial abilities. Thus there is no room for abuse of power. If the Chief abuses his position and impacts the entire settlement, the councilmen are presumed to be the proper individuals to contact and advise the Chief. Because they were a group of people linked by kinship ties, the dominating position was not tyranny.
However, some colonial writers claimed that the Chief’s power and authority were excessive. “A collection of small states, each under a President or Dictator,” Hunter (1879) describes the Chieftainship system. “Each tribe is under the immediate rule of its particular Chief, whose word is law, in peace and war, and who has the power of life and death,” Macrae said in Statistical Account (1874). The Chief and his councilmen enforced strict rules to keep the community apart from colonial influences that have been misunderstood and misrepresented in colonial history.
Kuki Chieftainship Tributes include tributes and inheritance
As a legal inheritor and protector of the Village, every household must pay tributes to the Chief. Every family in the Village has a responsibility to pay homage to the Chief. There are two primary reasons for paying tributes. First, reverence is produced as a mark of respect and acknowledgment of his status, which ensures the safety of the entire Village. Second, as a mark of ‘Mi Upa,’ (eldest son), a kinship relation honoring him as the clan or Village’s most senior down the lineage. When a family wishes to relocate to a new village under the leadership of a different Chief, they must go through a formal process that requires the Chief’s approval. The intended settlers present the Chief of the Village and his councilmen with ‘Ju,’ a fermented rice wine. The family would live in the Village if the Chief granted his request. In exchange, the villager must show the Chief proper respect and pay him appropriate tributes. The Chief’s tributary items and other services were never exploitative but rather seen as material ethics of obedience. It is a sort of community acknowledgment that is formally communicated through the paying of tributes. As a result, the Chiefs’ legitimacy is bolstered by these offerings (Ray Ashok Kumar, 1990). As a result, neither the rule of inheritance nor the nature of Kuki Chiefs’ payments can be compared to the Zamindary system, widely used in India during the colonial period. Kuki Chieftainship is thus linked to Thomas Hobbes’ Social Contract Theory, in which the Chief and the villagers are obligated to each other to fulfill their rights. (T.S. Gangte, 2012).
Inheritance: The Kukis’ Chieftainship is a kinship-based institution. When a Chief passes away, his position, duty, and power are passed down to his eldest son, ‘Mi Upa.’ The Chief may lack talents or expertise, yet he bears the obligation due to the law of primogeniture. If only the son is a minor, the Chief’s role may be taken over by the Chief’s next younger brother or wife until the child is mature enough to rule the Village. If the Chief does not have a son, the role of Chief may be assumed by the Chief’s younger brother. In the Kuki society, the eldest son inherits the deceased Chief’s assets and properties typically. (T.T. Haokip, 1995) Despite the restrictions, a few properties could be split with his brother(s) if the eldest son is willing.
Clan leaders are accorded proper recognition and respect within and beyond the clan in a clan-centric society like the Kukis. His position as Chief is advantageous in times of peace, war, hunger, or any other unforeseen tragedy. It is usual for any family member who wants to construct a Village to inform the Village leader or the elderly clan members of their plans. The existing Chief must approve the creation of a new Village from the Village where he currently resides. If the clan members support the request, a new Village is established, and the clansmen’s leader is appointed Chief of the Village for a specific generation.
Setting up a new village
There are different kinds of tests conducted to establish a new village. First, the trial will determine whether or not a new village can be formed. The Kukis don’t usually start a new Village if the location or area is unsuitable or favorable after the testing. The following are examples of several types of such tests:
Omen Test: Omens and dreams are discussed and considered while establishing a new village, but their interpretation is strictly observed and adhered to. Two types of omens are used. One has to do with an egg. Every test requires chanting or praying to Pathen (God) before beginning the task. Similarly, the Priest chanted before starting the Omen Test. The egg is then set on three sticks under which a little fire is lit when a small piece of the eggshell is dislodged at one end. If the egg explodes or overflows, it’s a bad omen; but, if the liquid pours out and congeals on top like a cap, with none of it trickling down to the sticks or the ground, it’s a favorable sign, and a Village is formed.
The other omen is with water. A shallow hole is dug, roughly the size of a dinner plate and 6 inches deep. This is lined with any leaf type, and then water is immediately poured into the hole to fill it. When spraying, if the water circles the hole clockwise, it is determined to be incorrect, but it is determined to be correct if it circles the hole counter-clockwise. The Thiempu (Village Priest) or the Village soothsayer consults these omens on the suggested site.
Rooster test: There are two types of Rooster tests. To understand whether the place is good or bad, they let the rooster stay freely inside the designated location or area where they chose to set up a new village. If the rooster crows usually, then it is a good sign and suitable for the purpose. Still, if the rooster refused to crow or failed to crow usually or differently, it is unfavorable for establishing a village. Two, the Priest and some members killed the rooster, cooked and ate the meat inside the designated place, and did not leave the residue meat at home. After that, the Priest placed five rice pieces at the spot to observe whether the rice was complete or not on the next day. On the next day, if they find all the five-piece pieces of rice are finished, then it is a sign of a good place. If the five-piece of rice is missing or incomplete, it is not a good sign for setting up a new village.
Settling Dispute
In the Kuki society, any problem, great or small, can be solved. Even the most extreme circumstances, such as murder charges, might be resolved using the land’s customary law. There is no capital punishment in Kuki’s Chieftainship system; the maximum sentence for offenses committed is expulsion from the Village with fines. The customary laws are observed and have general power for resolving a conflict. Since its founding, the Customary Court has established strict rules that all members of their jurisdiction must obey. These laws conflict with Kuki society’s customary laws. There are several types of disputes in solving problems among the Kukis, such as Oath taking, Water test, Murder case, Tol-theh (ground cleaning), Salam-sat (killing of animals for penalty).
Kihahsel (Oath or promise taken between two parties)
When they couldn’t discover the perpetrators, they took this form of oath. This will take place in the Village Chief’s courtroom. The Village Chief and elders or Council members performed this type of oath-taking between the two suspicious parties. The following is the protocol for taking an oath, whether for the restoration of peace between villages or between private individuals:
A bear or tiger’s skull, a nettle leaf, a hush (paddy), and a sword blade are on the ground. The persons (or persons) to be sworn in then take a step forward and repeat the treaty or agreement’s terms while pointing to the skull and saying- “May a bear or tiger, similar to the one this skull belonged to, devour me; may I be stung by the nettle now before me; may the seed I sow be as fruitless as this husk; and may I be struck by a sword if I break faith (if I tell a lie). This pledge is now witnessed by Heaven and Earth.” Everything is carried out in the presence of the Village leader. The majority of the oath-taking was done by the Chief and members of the Village Council. In this case, the liar faced problems if they had false promised, and there is no problem if the promise was right.
Water test: There are two types of water tests, i.e., a test in the River and a test in the Pot. When the two parties could not satisfy the final decision taken by the Village Chief and his Council of Ministers, a water test is the last option to find out the offenders.
River Test: In this test, all the villagers assembled and proceeded to a spot on a river where the water was deep. Before starting the test, the Village Chief and his members entrusted one person to perform the task. First, the authorized person (Priest or elders) pray to God and chant a spell for finding out the offender. After that, he let the two parties stand by his side, one on the right and the other on the left, holding the two persons’ heads. After that, he submerged the two heads simultaneously and released his hands. Whoever comes out of the water first is the guilty or offender as he finds the water hot and can’t hold his breath underwater.
The Chief’s trial technique is recorded by William Shaw. First, each party brings a jar of ‘Ju’ (wine) to the Chief’s house, settling the dispute. The jury is made up of Village elders in addition to the Chief and the Village Council. The Chief pretended to be a judge and delivered the verdict after considering the jury’s approval. Because they are already under the effect of ‘Ju,’ an easy compromise is frequently struck in this situation (wine).
Pot test: This test is similar to the river test. The Chief and his Council members entrusted a person; in most cases, the Thiempu (the Village Priest) assigned the task. A pot is filled to the brim with water, and the Priest holds the heads of the plaintiff and the defendant and submerges them into the water. Whosoever is at fault would first come out of the water.
Mithat (Murder case): Murderers are divided into two categories: unintentional and purposeful. Which type it falls underdetermines the penalty and method of dealing. Murder is the most severe crime in Kuki civilization. According to Kuki community customary law, there are certain norms. Even the Chief has little authority to restrict the number of cases. According to Kuki custom, the Village Chief must intervene to enforce Hem-Kham, a deterrent measure (stopping retaliation from the victims in murder to maintain peace and tranquillity and avert more killing). According to the customary law of the land, fines (Luongman-price of the dead body) are established to represent certain body sections. The Luongman (the price of the dead body) which the killers have to pay are:
Dahpi (gong) – This represents the victim’s head. This is an essential gong in terms of the offender’s punishment.
Khichang or Khichong (beads made of cornelian stone) – The eyes of the deceased are represented with Khichang or Khichong (cornelian stone beads).
Khivui (traditional necklace or garland) – The umbilical cord is represented by this.
Lukhap (traditional cloth) – This reflects the deceased’s clothing. Not only that but the murderer and his family will be required to pay for particular things following customary law to bury the dead properly. The following are the materials:
Tuompom or Puondum (black cloth or pain dark blue with no border) –
The cloth should have a black design with two white lines running lengthwise on the border. This is a sign that the murderer’s family is covering the body.
Kosa (to feed the guest) – Following the burial ceremony, it is usual for the departed family to provide Kosa (to feed the guests) to those who had come to console or participate in the funeral. This is referred to as ‘Kosa.’ The Kukis follow this ritual religiously because it purifies the house and blesses the grieving family. Furthermore, the Kukis thought that completing ‘Ko-sa’ would prevent additional misfortune of the departed household’s identical sort.
Sa-lam-sat (Killing an animal for penalty) – This is done not just in situations of murder, but also in cases of rape, a person who sheds blood, property looting, and illicit sexual relationships, among other significant offenses. According to customary law, the accused or offender must sacrifice a Mithun to resolve the disagreement or crime to the village head. In Mithun, a fine is given to a guilty individual who is slain. It indicates that the Village leader has already taken measures to revenge the person’s death and that no further action is required.
Tol-theh (ground cleaning) – If a person sheds any human blood without doing Tol-theh (ground purification), an evil spirit may be present. It’s a sign that demonic spirits have been exorcised. To the Chief, the offender must bring a pig and a container of wine. If someone has died but not at his own home, this is also done. This is neither a fine nor a penalty; instead, it is carried out following customary law to avert future difficulties and disasters.
Gucha (thif) – If someone takes valuables or property, they must restore the items and one Mithun in restitution. In the past, Mithun as a penalty was the most common type of fine. This used to take the form of a monetary transaction, but it has recently been replaced mainly by a pig. The entire procedure is carried out at the Village Chief’s Court. The legislation applies to everyone who comes to the Court.
External conflict
The Chief’s Role in War Preparation:
The Chief plays a crucial role in terms of war. The Village head is responsible for holding political meetings at regular intervals. Second, for the preparation of any form of conflict, the Kuki Chief will call an appointment. Similarly, the Kuki Chiefs led the Kuki Uprising of 1917-1919. (D.L. Haokip, 2017) Finally, the Village leader makes the declaration of war after consulting with the Village Council. The strict rules to be followed in the preparation of conflict are:
SajamLhah (eating of the liver and heart of animals) – On the eve of the Anglo-Kuki War, SajamLhah was performed for the latter. It’s a Kuki tradition that represents a dedication to a common cause. When Kuki Chiefs, elders, and leaders are present, a Mithun is first murdered for the occasion. The meat is then divided among the Chiefs according to customary rules. Portion of the meat is called Sachan. The Chiefs and their entourage return to their separate villages with the Sachan, of which each home receives a token piece. This act represents the entire community’s commitment to the national cause. SajamLhah also refers to the consumption of an animal’s liver and heart. The liver and heart are the ‘heart’ and ‘core’ of the matter, and their consumption demands moral accountability. The Kuki Chiefs and leaders took part in this solemn and ritualistic occasion to demonstrate their willingness to defend Zale’n-gams’s (sovereignty) against British imperialism. On the eve of the Kuki Uprising, 1917-1919, the first SajamLhah was done to cover the entire population of Zale’n-gam.
Thinkho le Malchapom (red-hot chilies tied to firewood) – Thingkho le Malchapom symbolizes war against the enemy. The Kuki Uprising broke out on March 7, 1917. To inform the entire people of Zalen’n-gam (land of freedom) regarding the day to go to war against the British, the Kuki Chiefs resorted to the original and traditional means of Thingkho le Malchapom.
Social Institution
Death Rite – According to Dalton, the Kukis buried their dead remains after holding them for several days, Ethnology of Bengal Tribal History of India: 1842; p.47. For example, a great man’s body is spread out and dressed for a month or two after being placed in front of a bonfire until the flesh is effectively smoke-dried. Then, the corpse is cleaned and covered in a cloth before the ceremony begins. Another way used in the past was to treat the dead body as if it were a statue. This was only done in the case of unnatural fatalities, such as those caused by fire, wild animal deaths, or being slain by someone. When someone died in the past, the family would customarily wash the body and place it in the courtyard. They then sat the body as an alive man atop a pile of wood (sanga tun) and poured a jar of wine into the deceased man’s mouth as a sign of love and respect. However, this custom is no longer practiced and is a thing of the past. If a person dies early in the morning or late at night, the body is buried the next day in the evening. Burials are frequently held in front of the home or the courtyard.
According to Kuki society, death is divided into ‘Thi-pha’ (natural death),’ ‘Sen hut Thi’ (Infant death), and Thi-Sie’ (unnatural death).
‘Thi-pha’ (Natural Death)
When someone dies, it is necessary to notify all of the deceased’s relatives by sending messengers to their homes. When the family arrives at the dead’s home, they perform ‘Kitom’ (growling and brandishing a weapon, a gun, an ax, etc.). It is thought that if ‘Kitom’ is not performed, he will suffer from illness and misfortune. The funeral procession is led by the Thiempu (Priest), followed by others who cry or perform ‘Kitom’ as they make their way to the graveyard. On their way to the burial cemetery, the Thiempu also performs ‘Kitom’ at intervals. If the deceased is a person of prominence and prestige, a proper gun salute is delivered as a respectful memorial. The deceased’s father must prepare a feast called ‘Kosa,’ and if he is already dead, the job and responsibility of ‘Kosa fall on the family’s eldest son, who must kill a Mithun, a pig, or a cow. ‘Kosa’ was once conducted on the day of the burial, but it is now performed the day after the burial rites. According to Kuki customary law, the dead animal’s neck must be presented to the ‘Apu’ (deceased’s maternal uncle).
‘Sen hut Thi’ (Infant death) – If an infant dies, the body must be buried under the floor of the house as soon as possible, with no public announcement or formal procedures.
‘Thi-Sie’ (Unnatural death) – There are various forms of unnatural deaths, including those caused by wild animals, murder, drowning in a river or lake, death by fire, and so on. Anyone in Kuki society, regardless of class or social standing, including the Chief of the Village, underwent the least possible death rite. In addition, it is forbidden to transport the dead body beyond the village gate, known as ‘Khomol,’ which served as the Village’s entry. Instead, the body must be buried outside the Village limits.
Sal-nit – In the event of natural death, this Sal – nit is observed for one day. Sal-nit is a one-day grieving period following the burial of a deceased person. It is carefully adhered to, and some restrictions are enforced: all villagers, young and old, must remain within the Village and are not permitted to leave for a job or any other reason. It is thought that if someone does not observe Sal-nit, tragedy will befall them, and the deceased’s soul will not rest quietly.
Sah-nit – In the event of unnatural death, this is observed for three days. The day after the dead body is interred, Sah-nit is observed. If a person fails to follow this dying rite, his family may face unforeseen hardships, ranging from physical illness to a familial curse. The defaulter must present a jar of wine to the Village Chief’s Court to avoid such disasters.
Marriage system
Exogamy and endogamy: Kukis used both exogamy and endogamy as their marriage system. Only the same exogamous clan is prohibited, but even this hasn’t been strictly enforced in recent years. Marriage between the two exogamous lines is acceptable. The groom’s parents contact the bride’s parents before the wedding, asking for the hand of the host’s daughter in marriage while carrying a kettle or pot of tea, and the engagement is thus concluded by consent. A fine of one Mithun is imposed on the defaulting side if an agreement is breached by either party. (Sominthang Doungel,2006)
Polygamy and Divorce: If the first woman fails to produce an heir or male offspring, the husband has the option of finding a new wife. However, polygamy in the literal sense is not tolerated in the Kuki community. Regardless of the reasons stated previously, if the husband or the wife has an unlawful relationship, several issues arise. First, the guy or woman must divorce his or her first spouse and start a new family with his or her second spouse. Second, if a man marries, his property and inheritance will be transferred to his first wife’s first-born son. Third, divorce may not be shared but is easy to settle if the couple is not in a position to continue their married life together under certain circumstances.
Widow Remarriage: There are no restrictions on widows remarrying. Widow Remarriage is exclusively at the discretion of the widow. In ancient days, if the husband died, the deceased’s unmarried younger brother was obligated to marry the widow and care for her, but this is no longer the case, and most of them despise the tradition.
Numei-man (Marriage payment or Bride price): Unlike Hindu civilization, Kuki society has a substantially lower marriage payment or bride price. During our forefathers’ time, the maximum Bride price was roughly Rs. 50 in cash. However, at this time, the entire Bride price is around one lakh. There is no distinction in bride price between affluent and poor. However, there is a disparity in bride price between clans. It is difficult to perform a marriage without the bridegroom paying the bride’s family in advance. This is a Kuki society-wide private institution. The adopted price is neither a commercial transaction nor a fine; instead, it is a payment in kind with which the parties have a good relationship. The most essential and necessary expense of the bride’s price is Siel (Mithun). In the Kuki society, the bride price varies depending on the clan. The following are some of the varying bride prices of the lines:
a) Haokip and Kipgen – Sel-som (10 mithuns), dahpini (2 large copper gongs), khichongni (2 bead necklaces), and Khichangni (2 ear beads) are the pricing for Haokip and Kipgen bride prices. Even within the same family, the price of a girl differs. In the Haokip and Kipgen families, the eldest daughter’s price must be the same as her mother’s price. If the mother’s price were Sel-som (10 mithuns), two giant gongs, and two bead necklaces, the eldest daughter’s price would be the same. Another clan used the same pattern, although not all of the lines were followed. The bride price of the younger daughters, on the other hand, is determined by the parents’ approval.
Chongloi and Hangsing – Sel-sagi (7 mithuns), dahpikhat (1 large copper gong), dahbukhat (1 set of three different small sizes of copper gongs), khichang khat (1 ear bead), and Khichongkhat (1 bead necklace) are the cost for Chongloi and Hangsing Bride.
Sitlhou, Doungel and Sitlhou – Bride prices are the same as in Haokip and Kipgen.
According to William Shaw’s textbook, pp.58-59, marriage payment among the Kukis was not definite. The Chief and wealthy persons usually claimed and paid the equivalent of ten mithuns, Rs. 200/- in case, 2 or 3 dahpi (large gong), two dahpu (set of two gongs), two khichang (ear beads), two khichong (necklaces). According to William Shaw, an ordinary individual will frequently pay a few mithuns, khichang, or khichong. In rare instances, a pig can be counted as one mithun. Four mithuns, a jar of ‘ju’ for a khichang or khichong, are sometimes substituted for Rs. 40. As per the customary law of the Kukis, the bride’s parent hardly ever received the marriage payment in full but in the form of more or less fictitious substitutions.
‘Lutom (man’s loincloth) Laisui’ (woman’s waistband) – This is a small portion of the bride price paid by the groom’s family to the bride’s family, or, to put it another way, Lutom and Laisui are integral parts of the Kuki bride price. This emphasizes the importance of the bride’s father and mother. ‘Lutom’ is a traditional gift given to the bride’s father as a show of appreciation. Similarly, the bride’s mother is given the name ‘Laisui’ for giving birth to her daughter from her naval or womb. The father is also praised for his paternal manhood, while the woman gives birth to the kid. This is a cloth for the bride’s parent and could be accounted as money payment of Rs.1/- or 2/- respectively, that women can claim for property and that Kuki women can make in her account.
Numei Daman (Divorce price): According to C.A. Soppitt, A Short Account of Kuki Lushei Tribes, 1893, (p.15), the Kukis have used the customary divorce procedure from the eighteenth century. “Once married, no divorce is allowed except for infidelity, and even then, if there are children, it is reported to,” he explains. The adulterous is penalized significantly, but they are not punished in any other way. For example, according to Kuki Customary Law, if a husband divorces his wife, he must pay Numei Daman, Sel-som (10 mithuns). However, this is no longer fully adhered to, and the quantity of mithuns is not defined. Because Mithun is no longer available, a monetary system is commonly used in its place. Unlike in the past, payments can now be made in cash. Suppose the woman is proven guilty in some situations. In that case, she is punished by returning the entire marriage –charges except the Sumtansa (a pig slain by the girl’s parents for the fixation of the girl’s marriage payment) to the aggrieved husband if she is at fault.
Cultivation system
In India, almost every tribe utilized shifting farming. Similarly, shifting cultivation is a frequent technique among the Kukis. (Ngamkhohao Haokip and Lunminthang Michael, 2011) The locals followed specific laws as directed by the Kuki Chief (Haosa), who is the owner of the Village land and responsible for the wellbeing of the residents. First, they earmarked the location for cultivation with the help of his Council of ministers. Then, the locals go to the forest to choose a suitable location. Each household would make ‘Louchan’ by cutting a section of a tree trunk or tying bunches of grasses along the edge of his fields. A muchitu (seed-sowing) ceremony should be held before beginning farming. Then, the local leader and villagers would visit the location to open it officially. The grain would be sown first by the Chief’s wife, then by the Ministers, and finally by the peasants. The locals can begin farming after muchitu (seed sowing) is completed. In exchange for renting the plot of land, the villagers must pay for one or more baskets of paddy. Other taxes, such as sales tax, bird tax, forest tax, and so on, are delivered to the Chief.
Festival
Chavan-Kut (a harvesting festival of Kuki tribes). Chavan-Kut is mainly linked to different stages of shifting cropping. It has been observed in India since before the country gained independence. Manipur’s state government has recognized November 1 as a public holiday, which Kut is celebrated in Manipur. However, since 2016, the Assam government has declared this holiday to be a restricted holiday. Aside from that, the Kukis and Mizo have particular ceremonies or festivals such as MimKut, LholhunKut, ChapcharKut, etc. It’s a family tradition that dates back to their forebears. In Manipur and Mizoram, it is now commemorated at the state level. During Kut, musical instruments such as the Pheihit, Goshen, Lhemlhei, Bamboo Dance etc., are performed.
Conclusion
In Mizoram and the Nagas territories of Manipur and Nagaland State, the old institution of Chieftainship has already been abolished. The democratically elected Chief has already replaced the hereditary Chief in certain areas regularly through the Panchayati Raj Institution. On the other hand, Chieftainship is a constant Kuki political institution that has existed since time immemorial and continues today. Since India’s independence, Chieftainship powers and functions have been a hot topic. Some colonial writers noted that framing Chieftainship institutions as autocratic and denying the traditional democracy of the Kukis because was hotly debated between traditionalists and champions of western democracy. The law of primogeniture in Chieftainship inheritance from generation to generation should not be like a monarchical system, defined by the seizure of power, the persecution of opponents, and the implementation of martial law. Chieftainship is more like endowing more significant obligations to the Chief as the clan leader or lineage instead of being a privileged ascribed or obtained. It’s important to understand that Chieftainship, like the Panchayati Raj community governance system in India, is a traditional democratic institution. In colonial historiography, a widely held belief that the institution is based on kinship relationships and exhibits democracy has yet to be found.
The colonial intention to delegitimize the indigenous institution of Kuki Chieftainship is revealed by the lack of any colonial documents portraying Chieftainship institutions as people-friendly. Culture and traditions are essential components in preserving a person’s identity. Kuki culture and customs are distinct from that of its neighbors due to their distinctive and diverse range. Globalization and modernization have had a significant impact on culture and tradition. Although these influences may substantially affect how people live, respecting and cherish one’s own culture and tradition is essential. Britain is a highly civilized country in culture and traditions, but it is not necessarily westernized. The Government maintains its beautiful traditions and old ideals, and the Kukis culture is preserved in the British Museum.
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Cite the original source:
Haokip, Sonkhothang. “The Traditional Political Administration of the Kukis of Manipur: An Ethno-Historical Analysis.” Mizo Studies, X, no. 4, Dec. 2021, pp. 719–741.
